Climate negotiators huddle for a dramatic deal in Durban

photo copyOn 11 December 1997 nations of the world gathered in Japan to sign a legally binding instrument intended to begin the long task of reducing global greenhouse gas emissions. Today, as the Kyoto Protocol celebrates its fourteenth birthday, questions about its future pushed the United Nations climate talks to the brink of complete collapse in Durban, South Africa.

The protocol’s fate as well as that of the entire UN negotiations process came down to two words – “legal outcome” – and a series of rather strange and certainly unusual public huddles (see photo, taken by yours truly standing atop a chair moments before being removed from said chair by police). We’ll get back to that, but first a little background.

Going into the Durban meeting the European Union agreed to demands by developing countries for a second commitment period under the Kyoto Protocol, which is set to go dormant at the end of next year (for details, see our Durban special). Europe’s condition was that the rest of the world commit to negotiations on a binding treaty that would carry things forward after that. As the talks extended into Saturday evening, most of the major emitters, including Brazil, South Africa, China and the United States, agreed to language that would create a new negotiating track to pursue either “a protocol or another legal instrument.” Only India objected.

The text presented to the full body by South African organizers late Saturday evening included “a protocol, another legal instrument, or a legal outcome”. The last option came at the behest of India, which didn’t want to commit itself to emissions reductions, but that drew objections from Europe and many other countries – both developing and developed – that are seeking a legally binding treaty.

“The European Union has shown patience for many years,” said Connie Hedegaard, the EU’s commissioner for climate change. “We don’t’ think we ask too much of the world … that after this second commitment period all will be equally bound.”

Indian Environment and Forests Minister Jayanthi Natarajan proceeded to give an impassioned speech regarding responsibility for historical emissions and equity issues that date back to the original 1992 Framework Convention on Climate Change, which affirmed the idea that countries have “common but differentiated responsibilities.” That language disappeared from the new proposal, which seeks to bring developing countries on board for binding emissions cuts.

“Does climate change mean you give up equity?” Natarajan asked. “I’m sorry madam chair. India will never be intimidated by threats … or any kind of pressure like this.“

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Durban climate talks go down to the wire

Screen Shot 2011-12-08 at 9.16.27 PMAlthough complete collapse cannot be ruled out, the general shape of a deal is coming together here as the climate talks head into their final day in Durban, South Africa. It’s not the deal that environmentalists want. It’s certainly not the deal that scientists say would be advisable if the goal really is to limit global warming to 2 degrees Celsius, as stated. But it’s an agreement that could allow ministers to kick the can down the road and claim some form of success.

“There’s a landing strip for a deal in sight,” says Tim Gore, International Climate Change Policy Adviser for Oxfam in the United Kingdom. “What’s missing, of course, is how you ramp up ambitions, and that’s a big question.”

Gore says that the European Union and the Group of 77 plus China, the main bloc of developing countries, are converging on a second commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol, which is poised to go dormant at the end of 2012. Similarly, the European Union, the United States and the major developing countries such as China, India and Brazil all seem to be talking about 2020 as a time-frame for additional greenhouse gas reductions that would build on the global agreement inked last year in Cancun, Mexico. What we don’t know is how it will come together.

The EU has so far stuck to its position that it won’t go forward with Kyoto unless there is a roadmap for a global deal that brings everybody — including the United States and the major emerging economies — on board for a legally binding treaty. Despite some indications of a shift in its position, China has yet to reveal whether it will allow itself to be bound by international law. And the United States is still arguing that global treaties are overrated, raising concerns that intransigence on the part of the world’s largest historical emitter could once again block progress across the board.

Speaking defensively after a protester interrupted the US press conference on Thursday, lead negotiator Todd Stern denied that the United States is blocking a deal. Stern waffled four ways before he seemed to indicate in response to questions that the United States has always supported the long-term goal of a legally binding treaty. That led to reports that the United States had changed its position. Hours later, the US State Department quashed all speculation with a simple correction:

Todd Stern said in his press conference today that the United States could support a process to negotiate a new climate accord. He did not say that the United States supports a legally binding agreement as the result of that process. The EU has supported both a process and the result being a legally binding agreement.

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Agricultural time travel: adapting through ‘climate analogues’

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We often talk about the impacts global warming could have on agricultural production, and researchers have spent plenty of time exploring models in order to pin down threats to particular crops in specific countries or regions. Now agricultural scientists at the United Nations climate talks in Durban, South Africa, have unveiled a new tool that could allow farmers to move beyond models and peer into their physical future.

It’s a simple idea. Data from global climate models tell us something about how our climate might evolve and what a given area might look and feel like in 20 years, but what does that mean in terms of agricultural practices? Researchers with the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR) have converted all of that data into a kind of searchable database that can be used to compare climate and other agricultural data across time and space. Farmers, governments and researchers in one region can look at their future climate projections and then explore today’s world looking for regional “climate analogues” that are comparable.

In the example illustrated above, a soya farmer outside Shanghai could look to their colleagues in the United States, Argentina or even here in South Africa. In theory, this could help demystify things a bit by providing real-world information about seed varieties, techniques and technologies that might come in useful in the years to come. “It’s about information management,” says Andy Jarvis, an agricultural modeller who led the work under CGIAR’s new research program on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food Security.

The online tool is based on open-source software and can be accessed here. The work is also documented in a new report (available in PDF form here), and some details about the methodology can be found on an earlier blog post here.

In the coming months, Jarvis and his colleagues plan to carry the experiment forward by transporting some farmers from their present day environments in Tanzania, Ghana and Nepal into some of their possible future environments. For now, these farmer exchanges are within individual countries, but researchers are already considering international exchanges in the future.

In theory, the exchanges could help scientists explore possible cultural or technological barriers that might prevent farmers from adopting new practices or perhaps even entirely new crops that are better suited to a warmer world. Given that the tool can be adjusted to run on different emissions scenarios as well as individual models used in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s last assessment, scientists can also use the tool to probe their own models as well as nagging questions about uncertainty.

Here again, Jarvis says it might turn out that seemingly significant differences among models might fade into insignificance among farmers as they explore different options for how best to improve their operations in the coming decades. “My hypothesis going into this is that farmers are far more adaptive than we give them credit for,” Jarvis says.

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Updated: Durban deforestation agreement promotes transparency, scientific verification

Screen Shot 2011-12-04 at 9.21.54 PM.pngClimate negotiators in South Africa struck a preliminary deal on forestry over the weekend, advancing a technical document that lays out what could be the first real ‘rules of the road’ for initiatives that seek to reduce greenhouse gases by curbing deforestation in tropical countries.

First, a little necessary background. Deforestation is responsible for roughly 15% of global carbon emissions, and the idea is that some of the money spent on reducing global greenhouse-gas emissions could be funneled into forest-protection programmes. As envisioned, such initiatives would reduce emissions while preserving biodiversity, protecting freshwater resources and putting some money in the pockets of the rural poor. Pretty much everybody likes the idea, but to make it happen, we first need baselines so that all parties agree on how many trees are coming down — and, more importantly, how much carbon dioxide is going up.

This is where the new agreement comes in. Among other things, the language proposed by a technical working group on Saturday says that developing countries must calculate their baselines in terms of carbon-dioxide emissions — as opposed to hectares — and then submit them for a kind of international peer review before they become final. Assuming the language moves forward, both requirements would increase transparency and make it easier for scientists, investors and other countries to verify the numbers.

“It’s the best thing that has been done since Bali,” says John O. Niles, director of the Tropical Forest Group in San Diego, referring to the 2007 climate talks in Indonesia that formally put deforestation on the agenda. “Before countries would submit reference levels, but now the text says countries will submit proposed reference levels,” he adds. “That one word makes a huge difference.”

In UN-speak, the concept is known as REDD, for ‘reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation’, and it has been one of the few bright spots in difficult negotiations in recent years. Environmentalists say that the new agreement could have gone further to spell out various environmental and social safeguards, but there was nonetheless a collective sigh of relief after a week of difficult negotiations that went down to the deadline.

This is just a first step.

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Bridging the gap: political science in Durban

durban.2.JPGWith the first week of the United Nations’ climate negotiations coming to a close, the discussion here in Durban has taken shape. As expected, much will depend on the outcome of a fierce debate over the future of the Kyoto Protocol, but that question has blossomed into an existential free-for-all covering ambitions, intentions and firm schedules that will tie everything together. In other words, negotiators and environmental groups are once again talking about the need for a binding international treaty.

Driven by science and the fear that they are most at risk, small island states and the least-developed countries are pushing for an immediate resumption of formal treaty negotiations. The United States cites the existing framework and says that there is no need to implement a treaty before 2020. Europe is once again seeking the middle ground, arguing for a schedule (Durban Roadmap, anybody?) that would put the world on track for a new round of legally binding emissions reductions within a decade.

“A legally binding instrument is needed as soon as possible, but no later than 2020,” Tomasz Chruszczow, the European Union’s lead negotiator in Durban, said Friday.

This follows a year of negotiations focusing on political agreements, non-binding commitments and near-term goals, initially laid out in Denmark in 2009 and then affirmed last year in Mexico. Under that framework, developed countries have agreed to ramp up funding to US$100 billion annually by 2020, and in return, developing countries — particularly those with rapidly emerging economies — have agreed to register their own commitments to reduce emissions.

Driving the discussion is the ever-mounting scientific evidence of global warming’s impacts.

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