Why We Need A New Economics

david.JPGThis week’s guest blogger is David Orrell, an author, founder of Systems Forecasting, and an Honorary Visiting Research Scholar at the Smith School of Enterprise and the Environment in Oxford. The UK Kindle edition of Economyths is available for a limited time at the highly economical price of 99p.

In January 2009, in the immediate aftermath of the credit crunch, the physicist and hedge fund manager J.P. Bouchaud wrote in the pages of Nature that Economics needs a scientific revolution.

Economyths is an attempt to spell out what such a revolution might look like, and document the exciting developments taking place in economics.

It too is written from an outsider perspective – that of an applied mathematician, working mostly in the area of computational biology. Many of the techniques used in that field, such as network theory and agent-based modelling, are beginning to find widespread applications in economics. But the assumptions they are based on are completely different from those of mainstream economics.

Consider for example the idea that the “invisible hand” of the marketplace drives prices to an optimal equilibrium. This idea is usually attributed to Adam Smith, though as the Czech economist Tomas Sedlacek argues it actually goes back much further.

In the 19th century, neoclassical economists such as William Stanley Jevons and Léon Walras attempted to demonstrate this principle mathematically, based on the idea of Homo economicus, or rational economic man. In the 1950s, economists finally managed to prove that markets would indeed reach a Pareto-optimal equilibrium. But to do so, they had to make numerous assumptions – including rational utility-maximising behaviour, coupled with perfect information, and infinite computational capacity.

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In the 1960s, efficient market theory was proposed as an explanation for why the economy was impossible to predict. Again, it assumed that market participants were rational and acted independently of one another to optimise their own utility. In the 1970s, rational expectations theory was all the vogue. Tools in use today – such as the risk models relied on by banks, or the General Equilibrium Models called on by policy makers – continue to make these assumptions, with at best small modifications.

Of course, no one thinks that people are perfectly rational or independent, or that the economy reaches a perfect equilibrium – but it has been generally believed that these assumptions were good enough to capture the overall behaviour. They could be viewed as representing an ideal economy, to which the actual economy can at least aspire. And they provided policy makers with an excuse for dangerous deregulation of the financial sector – what Adair Turner has called “regulatory capture through the intellectual zeitgeist.”

Unfortunately, as illustrated most recently by the credit crunch, this picture of the economy is highly unrealistic. The behaviour of home owners during the US credit crunch – or for that matter large firms like Lehman Brothers – hardly conforms to the model of rational economic man. And if stock markets are really governed by the invisible hand, then it has a bad case of the shakes.

So-called heterodox economists have long questioned the assumptions behind mainstream economics. But following the credit crunch, there has been an even more concerted effort to develop alternative models which can address issues such as economic inequality, environmental sustainability, human wellbeing, and financial instability. Many of the new ideas are coming from areas of applied mathematics such as nonlinear dynamics, complexity, and network theory.

An example is the agent-based models being used by complexity researchers such as Doyne Farmer to simulate the economy. Models have been developed of artificial stockmarkets in which hundreds of simulated traders buy and sell stocks. Each of the trader “agents” has its own strategy, which adapts in response to both market conditions and the influence of other agents. Instead of settling on a stable equilibrium, it is found that prices experience periodic booms or busts as investors flock in and out of the market. Agent-based models are also used to simulate the highly skewed distribution of wealth in many economies, in which a small percentage of the population sequesters most of the wealth.

Another rich source of new ideas is those other life sciences, biology and ecology. The ecologist Robert May recently joined forces with the Bank of England’s Andrew Haldane to analyse the financial network from a systems perspective. They found that risk metrics used for individual institutions such as banks fail to account for systemic risk.

The financial system has become increasingly interconnected in recent decades. This is good for short-term efficiency, but also means there is an increased risk of contagion from one area to another, which does not register with conventional risk models. As ecologists know, robust ecosystems tend to be built up of smaller, weakly connected sub-networks. Maybe financial regulators can learn a trick from nature, by introducing a degree of modularity and redundancy. An even more urgent issue, of course, is how to make the human economy fit in with the global ecosystem which contains it.

One of the lessons of complex systems research is that it requires collaborations between people from a broad mix of backgrounds. Another is that models are only imperfect approximations of a system. Accurate prediction will always remain elusive. However we can at least base our models on realistic assumptions. And even if we cannot predict the exact timing of the next financial crisis any better than we could the last one, at least we can learn how to make the system more robust in the first place.

A Happy Revolution

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Dr Nattavudh (Nick) Powdthavee is a behavioural economist in the Department of Economic at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, and is the author of The Happiness Equation: The Surprising Economics of Our Most Valuable Asset. He obtained his PhD the economics of happiness from the University of Warwick. Discussions of his work have appeared in over 50 major international newspapers in the past five years, including the New York Times and the Guardian, as well as in the Freakonomics and Undercover Economist blogs.

It’s not often in our lifetime that we could almost hear the intellectual tide turning. The year was 1993. The main perpetrators were Andrew Oswald and Andrew Clark; two British economists who, in October that year, organised the world’s first ever economics of happiness conference at London School of Economics and Political Sciences. Posters advertising the event were put up weeks in advance. A hundred chairs were put out in the famous Lionel Robbins building, waiting to be filled by many of the world’s greatest minds. The meeting, the organisers thought, was going to be revolutionary to economics science. Perhaps it was even going to be historical, not so dissimilar to the one which was held a few months earlier in Cambridge where British mathematician Andrew Wiles presented the proof of Fermat’s Last Theorem to a few hundred academics before him.

Imagine their disappointment when only eight people turned up on the day*. It was official; the world’s first ever economics of happiness conference was no less of a complete and utter failure.

Fast forward eighteen years to 2011. Happiness is currently one of the hottest topics in world’s politics and economic research. The British Prime Minister David Cameron has set out a plan to measure and improve people’s happiness – or in his compound term “general well-being”. The French president Nicholas Sarkozy has already launched an inquiry into happiness, commissioning Nobel Prize winners Joseph Stiglitz and Amartya Sen to look at how policies on Gross Domestic Products (GDP) sometimes trampled over the government’s other goals, such as sustainability and work-life balance. There are now over two hundred thousand economic papers on the World Wide Web written exclusively on “happiness”, “life satisfaction”, or “subjective well-being”.

How did we get here so fast in just less than two decades?

Of course, one of the early issues that people have with the economics of happiness (and you’d be forgiven if you yourself did laugh at the idea) is that happiness is hardly a measurable concept. This is a big deal for economists who like to call themselves quasi-scientists (in that they mainly deal with objectively measurable data such as income and inflation rates). If what people say about the way they are feeling is subjective by definition, how can it be analysed and quantified?

This issue, I feel, has now been resolved almost entirely. Working alongside scientists, psychologists have been able to provide objective confirmations that what people say about their own happiness does indeed provide useful information about their true inner well-being. For instance, self-rated happiness has been shown to correlate significantly with the duration of “Duchenne” or genuine smiles a person give during a day, as well as the quality of memory, blood pressure, brain activities, and even heart beats per second. More remarkably, scientists have been able to show that how happy we feel about our lives today have important predictive power of whether or not we will still be alive, forty or fifty years from now. Put it simply, we really do mean what we say.

The last two decades had also seen a substantial rise in the number of newly available data sets which are impossibly large by previous standards. And by applying appropriate statistical tools on these randomly drawn samples, researchers are able to explore whether or not the determinants of individual’s happiness (which is normally captured by asking individuals to rate their happiness from “1.not too happy”, “2.pretty happy”, or “3.very happy”) are the same in America as they are in Great Britain, South Africa, and China (which they are, thus lending further credence to the idea that such answers should be taken seriously).

So, what are the interesting results happiness economists have discovered so far? Well, for a start, happiness is U-shaped in age. On average, we are likely to be happier with our life at the younger and older age points in our life-cycle, with the minimum point occurring somewhere around mid-40s. Money buys little happiness, whilst other people’s money tends to make us feel unhappy with ours. The big negatives in our life include, for example, unemployment and ill health. Yet these negative experiences hurt us less subjectively if we happened to know a lot of other unemployed people (or in the case of ill health, other people with the same illness as ours). Marriage and friendships are extremely valuable, although there is little statistical evidence to suggest that children make parents any happier than their non-parents counterpart. And more recently, happiness economists have been able to put dollar, pound, or euro values on happiness (or unhappiness) from seemingly priceless experiences or life events that come with no obvious market values such as time spent with friends, getting married, losing one’s job, and even different types of bereavement.

It’s difficult to try and forecast how important this kind of work will be in the political arena in the forthcoming century. It’s possible that future governmental policies may shift entirely from the pursuit of wealth towards more non-materialistic goals as a result of these findings. We may even witness a replacement of GDP for a more general well-being index such as the GNH (or Gross National Happiness) altogether, although this is probably unlikely to happen. However, one thing’s for sure; economics as a dismal science will never be the same again.

*Of those eight, five were speakers especially invited to speak at the conference by the organisers.